Neil Loughlin
KITLV/Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies, Leiden, Netherlands
Keywords: Cambodia, clientelism, patronage, competitive authoritarianism, political parties, Cambodian People’s Party, Hun Sen, coercion, land grab
DOI: 10.5509/2020933497
The dominant literature on Cambodian politics over the past two decades suggested that a mixture of elite and mass clientelism had enabled the hegemonic Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) to rule via competitive but authoritarian elections, while lessening its previous reliance on repression and violence. Such explanations did not predict the upswing in contestation in the country in 2013 and thereafter. Neither do they account for the crackdown that followed. Following literature that draws attention to the tensions in building and maintaining political coalitions under authoritarianism, and demonstrating the difficulties in maintaining competitive authoritarianism over time, this article draws attention to structural, institutional, and distributional impediments to the CPP leadership in building and maintaining effective reciprocal relations with electoral clients while simultaneously balancing the interests of the military and other elites at the core of the regime. To make its argument, the article compares weaknesses in the CPP’s electoral clientelism with the effectiveness of patronage within the security forces, seen through the lens of Cambodia’s experience of land dispossession. It shows that an extractive and exclusive political economy privileged the interests of regime insiders over potential mass electoral clients precisely during the same period the CPP was supposed to be securing its hold on power via mass electoral clientelism. This further explains why the regime fell back on repression over reform in response to the upswing in contestation manifest from 2013, and why, despite the failings of its mass patronage project, repression has nevertheless been successful as a strategy for regime survival during a period of heightened popular contestation.
对柬埔寨体制内恩庇体制的重估与竞争性威权主义的终结:强制阴影下的选举侍从主义
关键词:柬埔寨;侍从主义;恩庇主义;竞争性威权主义;政党;柬埔寨人民党;洪森;强制;土地掠夺。
过去二十年中柬埔寨政治研究中主导的看法是,尽管一种精英与大众侍从主义的混合体减轻了此前对压迫和暴力的依赖,但也促成了具有说服力的主导性的柬埔寨人民党通过竞争性但是威权式的选举进行统治。 这些解释并没有预测到2013年以及此后愈演愈烈的抗争运动,也没能解释随之发生的镇压。本论文依循前人研究中对威权政治下建立和维护政治联盟过程中产生的矛盾的关注,展示出长期维持竞争性威权主义所面临的种种困难, 强调了柬埔寨人民党领袖在建设和维护与他们选举侍从的有效的互惠性关系,同时又在政体核心的军队和其他精英的利益中保持平衡的过程中所面临的结构性、制度性以及分配上的障碍。为论证此论点,本文通过柬埔寨土地掠夺的经历这一分析视角,对柬埔寨人民党选举侍从体制的薄弱与安全部队内部恩庇制度的有效性进行了比较。它揭示出恰恰在柬埔寨人民党正应当通过大众选举侍从机制来巩固其权力基础的同一时期,榨取性以及排他性的政治经济体制更多地将政体体制内部人士的利益置于潜在的大众选举主顾之上。这就进一步解释了为什么政体在应对2013年起飙升的抗争运动时,又从改革跌回了压制,以及尽管大众恩庇工程的失败,为什么在高涨的公众抗争运动时期,压制作为政体求存的策略却取得了成功。
Translated from English by Li Guo
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