Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2023. US$65.00, cloth. ISBN 9781503635401.
This book presents an illuminating study of various post-Fukushima policies related to nuclear energy, renewable energy, and radiation exposure “through the lens of civil society” (8, 14). Akihiro Ogawa, known for his widely received monograph on the state-led institutionalization of Japan’s civil society, The Failure of Civil Society? The Third Sector and the State in Contemporary Japan (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2009), now focuses on “antinuclear citizens”—the activists who have been central to Japan’s anti-nuclear movements since the post-war era. While his 2009 book focused on a local civil society group supporting government policies, Antinuclear Citizens addresses how civil society actors develop counternarratives and propose national policy alternatives.
Using an ethnographic research method known as “action narratives,” Ogawa gained an insider perspective and became actively involved in co-creating knowledge rather than merely observing and critiquing his informants. The book chronicles stories from 2011 to 2020, examining anti-nuclear activists’ narratives at the micro, meso, and macro levels. This approach highlights how individual opinions shape narratives (chapters 2 and 3), how groups influence policy through these narratives (chapters 4 and 5), and how new institutions impact these narratives (chapter 6 and the epilogue).
Chapter 1 offers a historical overview of Japan’s nuclear policy and anti-nuclear activism over the past 70 years. It discusses the roles of national anti-nuclear organizations, supported by left-wing parties since the 1960s, as well as the role of independent watchdogs that have been established since the 1970s. Although the “denuclearization” legislation proposed by anti-nuclear activists was not deliberated in the Japanese Parliament, it remains a key pre-Fukushima narrative and a significant counterproposal to government policy (47).
Chapter 2 focuses on the young precariat participants who took leadership roles in the anti-nuclear rallies that began in 2011. These activists were driven by frustration with neoliberal policies that worsened working conditions and incomes, and with the exploitation of marginalized areas for urban and economic benefit since the 2000s. The chapter also illustrates how these young precariat participants—along with older activists and members of Japan’s Green Party—were dedicated to building a nuclear-free society and envisioned a society beyond neoliberal politics (71‒73).
Chapter 3 uses the Nuclear Disaster Victims’ Support Act of 2012 as a case study to examine how Japan’s civil society conveyed victims’ voices to policymakers and made gradual progress in human rights advocacy. The law refers to abstract principles for supporting “voluntary evacuees”—residents who left irradiated areas at their own expense, without being mandated to do so—but it does not specify concrete measures for implementing this support (83). As a result, civil society groups had to engage in intensive lobbying for the effective implementation of the law. This chapter also details how activists challenged the government-set radiation standards that hindered support and compensation for voluntary evacuees, criticizing both the Japanese government and the United Nations Scientific Committee on the Effects of Atomic Radiation, which supported the stance that low-level radiation exposure was not a significant threat (87‒90).
Chapter 4 examines the impact of the feed-in tariff (FIT) scheme—a new government policy introduced following the Fukushima disaster—on the development of renewable energy in Japan. The chapter shows how community power projects led by “social enterprises,” considered part of civil society, accelerated the growth of solar energy (109). These initiatives aimed to ensure democratic control over all processes related to power generation (107). However, the chapter notes that this growth is intertwined with neoliberal trends toward decentralization and privatization, a theme that Ogawa also explored in his 2009 work (109).
Chapter 5 focuses on the development of transnational civil society networks between Japan and Turkey that contributed to Japan’s decision to give up its nuclear technology exports to Turkey. Japan’s policy to export infrastructure, particularly nuclear technology, became more aggressive under the second Abe administration (134). Civil society criticized these exports as “unethical” and expressed concerns about safety and undemocratic decision-making processes in Turkey (132, 153). The chapter also highlights how Japanese anti-nuclear activists assisted Turkish activists in petitioning the Japanese Parliament and facilitated interactions between Japanese and Turkish anti-nuclear mayors (143, 145).
Chapter 6 explores the government policy currently implemented under the Fukushima Innovation Coast Framework. This policy aims to stimulate technological innovation and develop high-tech industries such as robotics (174). The chapter also addresses the ongoing decommissioning efforts at the Fukushima Nuclear Power Plant, including the extraction of fuel debris and the disposal of radioactive waste. Finally, the epilogue notes that local advocacy efforts to raise awareness about low-level radiation exposure and secure the right to evacuate from irradiated areas continued into the 2020s.
This book makes a significant contribution by presenting a wide range of activist narratives on various policies in chronological order, as a cohesive narrative of anti-nuclear citizenship from 2011 to 2020. However, there are some points where readers might need additional analysis or information to understand the activist narratives more deeply. Chapters 1 and 4 often mention neoliberalism. Ogawa did not do so, but other scholars have discussed the topic of chapter 3—civic engagement to protect children from radiation—in relation to neoliberalism. Therefore, readers might benefit from the inclusion of a discussion of the relationship between neoliberalism and the anti-nuclear counternarrative somewhere. This would help readers consider the possibilities of the post-neoliberal politics discussed in chapter 2. Additionally, the distinctions between micro-level and meso-level narratives could be more clearly articulated. Providing more background on informants like Sono and Kamata (chapter 2) and Shishido (chapter 3) would enhance readers’ understanding of these micro-level narratives.
Even though additional analysis or information would be beneficial, this book undoubtedly makes a significant contribution to the study of post-Fukushima activism. Different groups of scholars within the Fukushima-related research community have often investigated mothers protecting children from radiation, participants in mass protests, and entrepreneurs involved in community power initiatives. Ogawa’s dedication to collecting and connecting the narratives of various types of anti-nuclear citizens is both impressive and inspiring.
Ayaka Löschke
University of Erlangen-Nuremberg, Erlangen