Nordic Institute of Asian Studies, Studies in Asian Topics, no. 61. Copenhagen: NIAS Press; Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press [distributor], 2017. xiv, 351 pp. (Tables, graphs, maps.) US$27.00, paper. ISBN 978-87-7694-225-0.
Editors Paul Chambers and Napisa Waitoolkiat bring to the body of literature an important book that examines a phenomenon often discussed but seldom defined convincingly, precisely due to the complex environment of Southeast Asia. Chambers and Waitoolkiat seek to show how regional militaries, emerging either from the struggles of independence or from the demands of self-sufficiency during post-colonial nation-building, built power structures that endured or insulated the military from civilian government and accountability. The militaries of then-Southeast Asia played a key role in the creation of their nations, carving a path as guarantors of national security, often in key economic roles. Understanding this phenomenon is important for regional politics, especially in the areas of civil-military relations, and by extension, the dynamics between the military and national agendas.
Singapore, Malaysia, and Brunei have very different colonial experiences from the other nations in this study, and established very different militaries. The lack of coverage, although understandable, proves to be the book’s biggest challenge to parsimony. Focusing on two of the nations discussed in the book (Thailand and Indonesia), on opposite sides of the “Khaki Capital” spectrum, this review discusses the premise and currency of the book.
The editors begin with an ambitious definition of Khaki Capital, scaffolding a cognitive structure to juxtapose the seven case studies. Khaki Capital is a form of income generated by the military that allows it to influence national budgets for formal and informal enterprises, to extract and distribute financial resources, and to establish opportunities for its supporters. The key distinction the editors make is that the greater the level of control the military has over these economic avenues, the lower the level of civilian oversight. This in turn leads to a monopoly of economic potential, which then leads to greater political power, creating a “self-perpetuating mechanism” for military control. The book proceeds to focus on individual countries with each chapter beginning with an introduction to the context of the military before examining each military’s role in income-generating economies.
Presenting the clearest application of this framework is Thailand’s experience, especially since 2014. Both editors agree that Thailand will become “the envy of Southeast Asian militaries” with the Thai military further entrenching itself in capital-gain areas, resulting in a sustainable control of the nation. This was played out in March 2019, with the military-aligned party’s win in the Thai elections, as well as the appointment of General Prayut Chan-o-cha as prime minister. With this win, the Thai military ensured total budgetary independence, free to pursue its own agenda.
Amongst the nations discussed, Indonesia managed to transit to civilian prerogative gradually since independence, where at one point it self-financed 70 percent of its own needs. This journey is significant, with the Indonesian military transferring its roles in internal security to the Indonesian police force. However, the chapter also speaks of the difficult transition in a country as large and diverse, as Indonesia. This difficulty is seen in market conditions, local economies, and businesses spread around archipelago’s 17,000 islands. Despite the successful transition, the Indonesian military still engages in economic activities, albeit to a lesser extent. Furthermore, the military is still prominent; for example, terrorist attacks in Indonesia have raised the military’s profile. The military’s efforts have kept it in the public eye in a positive light and have enabled it to consolidate and secure autonomy for self-actualization.
In the final chapter, the editors attempt to bring the silver lining into the discussion of embedded military governments at the institutional level. The editors opine that strong civilian oversight would result in lower corruption and derogate from military chauvinism. Not surprisingly, the editors do not discuss how to achieve this effect extensively. This conclusion, perhaps ironically, is one of the reasons why this book is important. By drawing out the contextual complexities that cemented the role of the respective militaries, the book illuminates the difficulties in unravelling the power structure that has guided the nation during the difficult years of nation-building. Much of these difficulties relate to the strong leaders, unique histories, socio-political legacies, and the legal frameworks engendered during those times. This book bears out its purpose here, where an understanding of the military leads to an understanding how these nations work, and by extension, how Southeast Asia works. Furthermore, the editors reinforced their contribution to the study of civil-military relations by discussing militaries within Southeast Asia that are underdeveloped, in this case Myanmar, Laos, and Cambodia.
The effort of the editors to bring together academics well-versed enough to discuss the complexities of national and economic entrenchment by an institution like the military deserves our appreciation. However, in fairness to the militaries studied in the book, the role of national defence is a difficult one. When faced with daunting challenges to secure one’s sovereignty against the demands of the economy and infrastructure, divergent agendas arise. Under the cloud of the Cold War and its concomitant geopolitics, the surety of a convicted and committed armed force was necessary.
Significant as Khaki Capital is to understanding the military in Southeast Asia, it also offers valuable insights into other aspects of the region. The different chapters offer perspectives on how to engage the individual economies by discussing the role of the military within them. For readers interested in understanding the dynamics of regional political leadership, including ASEAN, this book offers key insights into the continuity and change of leadership. As a whole, it offers most to the individual seeking to understand how different countries in Southeast Asia are from most other nations, especially those of the Westphalian model.
Khaki Capital is evidence that economic influence equates to political power. The extent in which the militaries hold on to this influence determines their independence to fulfil its own agenda, on top of that as the national “manager of violence.” This book reinforces the truism that the history and international relations of Southeast Asia clearly show that the nations with a history of political instability engender stronger militaries that resist sharing power with civilian authorities.
Eddie Lim
Nanyang Technological University, Singapore