Singapore: NUS Press [distributed by the University of Chicago Press], 2019. ix, 198 pp. (Tables, map, B&W photos.) US$36.00, paper. ISBN 978-981-47-2291-9.
In the book Love, Money and Obligation, Patcharin Lapanun takes us into the lives of northeastern Thai women engaged in Thai-Western marriages. These women, frequently portrayed by the mainstream media as poor, uneducated, and having been engaged in the sex industry, are commonly assumed to pursue such a Thai-Western marriage mainly for material gains. Through her ethnographic work, the author’s primary goal is to refute these overly simplistic assumptions and reveal a more complex and intricate perspective of these relationships, beginning from their motivations and desires to that of their inner processes and experiences.
Transnational marriages between Thai women and Western men are a rising social phenomenon, particularly in the northeastern region of Thailand. With this observation, Lapanun raises three central questions: What are the motivations and desires for Thai women to opt for transnational relationships? How are these motivations and relationships shaped? How have transnational relationships challenged or altered cultural ideas and practices in rural Thai communities?
The main arguments in this book are all based on the author’s ethnographic research. Lapanun spent about five months residing in Na Dokmai village, the primary research site, and another month following women in Pattaya. Her extensive fieldwork is the main strength of this book, as it allows her to provide an in-depth analysis of the subject matter.
The first question this book attempts to address is the motivations and desires behind transnational marriages. Through the accounts of the women, we begin to see the diversity and complexity of these motivations and desires to be involved in transnational marriages. These women believe that gaining a long-term relationship with a Westerner is the path to secure a financially stable life. Pattaya is a “space of opportunity and hope,” where the women can make connections with Western men, and sex work is a “pragmatic means” to their life goals (96).
Although material gains are undeniably the main driving factor, the motivations go far beyond sex for money. The author introduces a broader definition of money through Zelizer’s notion of “special money” (Viviana A. Zelizer, “The Social Meaning of Money: ‘Special Monies,’” American Journal of Sociology, 95, no. 2 [1989]). Money carries more than economic value, as it also symbolizes their partners’ love, care, and commitment. Money can bring about an opportunity for these women to fulfill personal, familial, and social obligations as dutiful daughters and committed community members. The book demonstrates how the intertwining nature of trust, mutual care, and security in life lead many village women to search for a long-term relationship with a Western man.
The second question this book explores is how these motivations and relationships are shaped. The key factor shaping these motivations comes from the cultural value of filial piety. In Thai and many Asian cultures, children are taught to feel indebted to their parents for their upbringing (referred to as bun khun). There are many ways adult children can show gratitude to their parents, but expectations in traditional Thai culture are vastly different between sons and daughters. For sons, it is adequate to be ordained as a monk and dedicate the merits to your parents.
On the other hand, daughters cannot become monks and are expected to repay their parents through other means, including caring for their parents’ overall well-being. Through the many stories the informants share in the book, we learn that by securing a financially stable life with a Western husband, they believe they are fulfilling the role of the “good daughter.” This obligation to be a dutiful daughter is powerful and is the underlying reason why many women seek out transnational marriages with Western men.
The final question this book attempts to explore is how transnational relationships have challenged or altered cultural ideas and practices in rural Thai communities. The most apparent impact on their community is the material improvements, including new houses, buildings, cars, motorcycles, modern supermarkets, and other local businesses. However, one of the most significant contributions this book offers is the more subtle impact that transnational couples have on the village social hierarchy. Women in transnational marriages constitute an emerging social class that disrupts the traditional patterns. The author draws on Pierre Bourdieu’s notion of class distinction, which suggests that taste is a cultural and symbolic marker for social stratification (155), pointing out that women in transnational marriages have a more distinctive and modern style. Moreover, these Thai wives often become significant contributors to communal activities, gaining recognition and admiration from others in their community. This “new” social class of transnational women, who typically come from humble backgrounds, challenges the traditional village elites, putting them into a vulnerable position.
The book is well researched and provides the field with great insights into the lives of the people involved in transnational marriages. Lapanun has provided close examination into the complexities and intricacies of the impoverished rural womens’ motivations and desires in pursuing transnational marriages that go beyond the “for love or money” bimodal view. The book highlights how the social obligations rooted within local women become the powerful forces behind their life decisions. Moreover, the author provides a clear historical background, especially during the discussion of the Vietnam War in the first chapter, to explain the origins of the stereotypes and prejudice against transnational marriages in Thailand.
A missing piece of information that would contribute immensely to a deeper understanding of this subject matter is the stories of other village women in Na Dokmai, who may have similar life experiences, but did not pursue transnational marriages. What are their perspectives and opinions, and what paths did they choose? Moreover, the historical background of how filial obligations or bun khun in Thai culture, especially expectations of daughters, were shaped will help readers better understand the context deeply rooted in Thai culture and the level of impact these expectations have on women. This book is a valuable contribution and enjoyable to read.
Manasigan Kanchanachitra
Mahidol University, Nakhon Pathom