Indigenous Pacifics. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2021. xi, 214 pp. (Figures, B&W photos.) US$68.00, cloth. ISBN 9780824887872.
In this densely written study, Camellia Webb-Gannon unravels the ongoing quest by the West Papuan people for political self-determination, decolonization, and independence. In her introduction Webb-Gannon provides a brief historical setting and sets out a series of events which so far have “guided” the West Papuan quest for self-determination.
The main argument of the book is set out in five chapters (metaphorically linked to the five points of the Morning Star) which read as a multivocal discourse. On the one hand, fragments of a large series of interviews with the West Papuan leadership, on the other, a clever use of quotes from the 1960s–1970s literature on decolonization in Africa, Latin America, and the Pacific. Webb-Gannon also contrasts the present struggle with recent conflicts in Kosovo, South Sudan, and Timor-Leste revolving around self-determination and independence. Webb-Gannon cleverly shapes all this into a consistent argument from a backbone of interview fragments strengthened where necessary with quotes from the literature she uses.
In “Wish upon a Star,” Webb-Gannon traces the origins and basic elements of the central concept, merdeka. As a central concept it goes beyond the simple meaning of “freedom,” facing the basic challenges of ethnic tensions, corruption, endemic violence against women, and the like (48).
In “Dreams” the focus shifts to what the West Papuan people envisions as their future. Primarily, they want an end to what they perceive as a (cultural) genocide in slow-motion (51); they see themselves as gradually overrun and disappearing. The solution to this problem—independence—they perceive as a God-given right.
In chapter 3, “Constellations,” Webb-Gannon analyzes the relation between cultural performance and resistance. Cultural expression of the West Papuan identity “ensures the survival of West Papuan politics and people” (76). Here, too, the countering positions of cultural genocide and survival recur as a theme. The expression of culture in song and dance not only counters the negative influences of constant military repression, pro-Indonesian education, and the like, but also extends the theme of resistance into the diaspora.
The fourth chapter, “Wrestling in the Dark,” provides an overview of a struggle that has lasted for three generations. Webb-Gannon shows how this struggle has not always been united. Different factions have made use of differing, and sometimes opposing, strategies. First-, second-, and third-generation leaders have criticized one another, but this has not led to the movement as such falling apart. This despite differences in opinion between its leaders and varied distrust toward Indonesian attempts in recent years to reach a workable understanding. Interestingly, Webb-Gannon points to a lack of leadership from the youngest—fourth—generation. She suggests this may very well be related to that generation’s reliance on social media as a forum.
The closing chapter, “Stars Aligning,” focuses on the global and increasingly significant role of negritude and indigènitude as themes in cultural identity. This is a wider discussion whereby the West Papua people both as Melanesian and as an indigenous population gain support and substance in its struggle.
In her conclusion Webb-Gannon brings these five perspectives together and formulates a conclusion in which she confronts a number of questions about the feasibility of West Papua’s independence. This boils down to the main questions of “is there enough support—especially in the Pacific—for independence?” and “is the West Papuan population ready to go it alone?” Webb-Gannon’s own opinion that “while…independence…is not probable, it is certainly possible” (182), is in that respect an open verdict.
As far as it goes, Webb-Gannon’s argument is sound and well-written. My problem is that in her strict focus on the political side of the issue, she consistently ignores a series of issues. Firstly, there is the basic perception that failure to achieve self-determination will inevitably lead to cultural genocide. The warning that Indonesian rule endangers Papuan culture dates back to early reports from the mid-1960s. Even then, researchers saw the indigenous Papuans as marginalized socially, politically, economically, and culturally as a result of the Indonesian transmigration. Now, sixty years later, we still hear the same warning, worded even stronger. Nevertheless, the Papua culture remains extremely resilient. Additionally, we need to keep in mind that there is a huge variation of Papuan cultures even though they are in Webb-Gannon’s argument defined by their unity in resisting Indonesian influences. Overall, the West Papuan people have a negative demographic growth rate, but that is not something solved by independence alone.
Secondly, I am missing voices in Webb-Gannon’s multivocal chorus. Webb-Gannon describes the Papuans as Christian but ignores the role the churches play in strengthening indigenous culture. Religiosity consistently plays a role in the adaptation and change of culture in Papua, whether it be through millenarianism or local congregations. A second aspect in this is the role of the often-Christian NGOs active throughout West Papua. A number of the factions Webb-Gannon discerns in her argument are tightly interwoven with church and NGO, so why the lack of attention? Looking back, it would be useful to extend the voices involved to the Dutch late colonial period with its massive missionary education and the first roots of West Papua political awareness. Similarly, to balance out an analysis it would be good to pay attention to at least the dissonant voices on the Indonesian side, for it is less monotonal than Webb-Gannon seems to suggest.
Finally, I wonder whether Webb-Gannon’s argument does not overshoot its target. The focus on the politics of decolonization places its center of gravity among the intellectual elite and leadership. The people of West Papua live rurally, in urban centers in Papua and Indonesia, and in the diaspora. Their needs and priorities are varied and not always met by the effort put into and focus on merdeka. Around 1960, the Dutch placed independence for and by the Papuan peoples in the international spotlight in a cynical effort to head off Indonesia’s increasingly successful campaign in the United Nations to “re-unite” West Papua with the Indonesian Republic. While it failed miserably as diplomatic ploy, it echoed long and loudly in the subsequent struggle.
Sjoerd R. Jaarsma
Papua Heritage Foundation, Utrecht