Singapore: ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute, 2016. xx, 398 pp. (Illustrations.) US$45.90, paper. ISBN 978-981-4695-76-3.
The paradox of borders is that they are often viewed as marginal spaces but at the same time can be central to debates and discussion in (often faraway) national capitals. Sometimes they are the subject of protests, gatherings, and rallies in major cities, yet these incidents often belie the reality and everyday life of the border regions. These trends are often true in the case of Myanmar as well. Myanmar’s Mountain and Maritime Borderscapes: Local Practices, Boundary-Making and Figured Worlds (edited by Su-Ann Oh) is an attempt to draw attention to the significance of the frontier regions in defining and illustrating many of the dilemmas that beset Myanmar.
The bulk of literature on this subject draws from that line of scholarship that has given increasing prominence to borderland studies, particularly in this region of the world—starting with the work of Edmund Leach, Willem van Schendel (Zomia), and James Scott (The Art of Not Being Governed). This particular collection is significant in its focus on border issues not only on land, but also along maritime borders. It also seeks to take an innovative approach in conceptualizing “borders—and boundaries—as social practices—processes rather than objects, verbs rather than nouns—that are constantly being enacted” (1), drawing on the works of Bourdieu (1972) and others who ground the practice of boundary- (and border-) making in practice theory. The key problematique looming large to such an endeavor is that to locate the border as a central discourse to national politics it also needs to take into account reigning conceptual and contextual themes in those national capitals to create asymmetry in drawing on the reigning themes and rhetorics at different points of time. Bearing that in mind, this collection attempts to walk a tightrope.
As such, the book locates the border regions between the dynamism of their local practices, but also in their interaction with Yangon/Nay Pyi Daw as well as the borderlands of its immediate neighbors—Bangladesh, India, China, Laos, and Thailand. It looks at nuances through the multidisciplinary lenses of a) Upland, Lowland, and Maritime Myanmar; b) Armed Conflict, Militarization and Border Development; and c) Ceasefires, Natural Resource Extraction, and Special Economic Zones. That tightrope walking becomes particularly clear when it tries to throw light on the similarities as well as the singularity of the different regions—taking into account all that is ethnic, political, economic, geographical, social, and cultural.
The book begins by providing a context of Myanmar’s land (mainly mountain) and maritime border spaces. The corresponding chapters look at those social practices through which this collection innovatively approaches the subject—territorial claims, social organization, mobility, and identity construction.
The one crucial aspect in which this collection supersedes any previous treatment of the subject matter is timing. It is possibly the most recent study (or certainly one among few) of the these borderlands amidst the ongoing political reorganization in Myanmar and after that country’s milestone elections of 2015. Nicholas Farrelly’s chapter, “Electoral Sovereignty in Myanmar’s Borderlands” calls out the changing context of political representation of the border regions, an issue that is often contested in borderland-mainland (or mainstream) relations, and which is true indeed for Myanmar. Myanmar’s 52 borderland constituencies make up 32.64 percent of its national territory, but only 15.75 percent of its parliament. Yet, because voter density is considerably lower in the border regions, these areas are afforded disproportionate representation at the same time. The way this political representation ultimately plays out—and the verdict is far from conclusive—is a central theme of this volume, and the book calls attention to the fact that the borderland-mainstream discourse will have a significant bearing on this issue.
The challenge of borderland studies as alluded to earlier is often in the treatment of similarities and differences, which is arguably equally important in the case of Myanmar. Four similarities stand out, while one aspect differentiates the country’s land borders with its maritime one:
- They lack easy connectivity to the rest of the country. Road and rail link densities are low and this can impact the sense of alienation of their inhabitants.
- Borderland regions generally have strong linkages to the adjacent borderlands of neighboring countries, and there is a flow of political, economic, and cultural influence between them. The different reigning discourses in those neighboring countries and the adjacent border regions shape daily life on Myanmar’s borders.
- A mountainous topography marks Myanmar’s borderland regions, which partly explains their sparse transportation infrastructure.
- Given the struggles of the borderland regions, there is a postulation that the regions are likely to have a higher diaspora population, people who have travelled far in search of peace and prosperity.
- Maritime frontiers are less ethicized than land borders.
This book postulates the reason the maritime frontiers are less ethicized is because of a robust security presence that has been maintained since the late 1970s. But through the course of the book what comes across strongly is the security aspect of the borderlands and its dominance in the life of those regions. This is a paradox that is unclear and contradictory. However, what might lead us to an answer is to examine whether and how the security discourse will change in the wake of Myanmar’s new-found political representation and political re-organization. It seems the hope is that the discourse on security will be transformed into one on development, but it is important to bear in mind that several peace settlements are still in the course of being negotiated in the border regions. Meanwhile, several borderlands in adjacent countries are experiencing changes of their own. How these changes impact and interact with Myanmar will in turn effect borderland discourses within the country. Subsequent chapters of the book go on to look at these different interactive dynamics between Myanmar and each of its neighbouring countries.
This book must be seen in the context of the longue durée—wherein it forms part of a cumulative narrative that will ultimately throw light upon the subject at hand, while also providing a benchmark and a better sense of what is happening in a still very much neglected—scholarly and otherwise—region of the world.
Laldinkima Sailo
Independent Scholar, Singapore