Cambridge; Medford, MA: Polity Press, 2019. xiii, 250 pp. (Map, B&W photos.) US$27.95, paper. ISBN 978-0-7456-7916.
Most studies on Chinese religion are based on the differentiation of religious groups and practices into doctrinal classifications and then studies of each of these groups, as well as comparisons between these groups within a given context, such as the Buddhist and Christian responses to Chinese authority during the Reform and Open Era from the early 1980s. Some may position this classification into a historical or developmental framework to gauge the development or evolution of these groups, for example, regarding the origin and development of Chan (Zen) Buddhism; others may approach such groups from social, political, cultural, or economic perspectives in order to study the interaction of these groups with external elements, for example, Christianity and Chinese culture. In his new book Religion in China, Adam Yuet Chau proposes a new anthropological approach for interpreting the religious dynamics of Chinese religion by focusing on the functionality and phenomena of religious activities in the context of relational dynamics that effectively disregards the doctrinal differences within and between religious groups. Based on his fieldwork and published studies, Chau focuses on the following relations: cosmic entities (order, hierarchy, and relations between deities through religious practices); location of religious venues and festivals; ritual providers and clients; communities and networks; and state and religion. He emphasizes how religion functions to reaffirm and reshape doctrines, as well as to rebind communal relations across geographical boundaries. Chau also stresses the importance of the family unit, which often served as the primary loci of religious activities.
With this new frame of reference, Chau provides a fresh lens for understanding religious dynamics in China that goes beyond the traditional doctrinal-textual tensions between religions, such as between Buddhism and Daoism, and focuses on the important social function of religion, regardless of confessional differences, in shaping and reshaping Chinese society. He provides clues to understanding the subtle and often sensitive nature of religion-state relations, such as the case of tree-planting at Longwanggou Temple in Northern Shaanxi by an environmental group from Beijing that can be seen as purely a civil and secular activity, yet one that takes place in a religious milieu resulting in a closer interaction between the state and religious groups. This is a common form of interface where both parties, despite ideological differences, can cooperate, with each side interpreting the relationship to its own advantage. Chau’s approach provides a refreshing portrait of Chinese religious dynamics that opens many new lines of socio-religious inquiry that may cast new light on our understanding of religion in China. One example of this is the concept of ling (efficacy), which can be seen in terms of religious orthopraxy versus orthodoxy that echoes the White Cat/Black Cat analogue of Deng Xiaoping, and may initiate new discussions on the popularity of so-called evil cults, such as the Church of Almighty God or Falungong, that had drawn huge number of followers but which were banned by Chinese authorities as heterodox. Or another new line of enquiry may perhaps be the re-examination on the ecclesial structure of the House Church (Protestant) Movement, as this Christianized form of familial-communal-based religious practice is similar in structure to other Chinese religions that are also familial-communal based. Also, ritual provider-client relations may shed new light on the often family-based succession of ritual providers, even in non-traditional religious milieus, such as among the Chinese Christian churches, as many of these successions are based on family heritage despite the fact that Christian communities are supposed to be democratic and meritocratic. Such phenomenon may indeed be new evidence of the sinocization of religion.
While this book may perhaps be the first major attempt to interpret Chinese religion from a functional and relational perspective, there is room for Chau to enhance the credibility of his argument, perhaps in future writings. For example, he has made extensive use of one particular case from Northern Shaanxi to advance his thesis, and yet this case may reflect a very particular cultural-religious milieu not necessarily applicable elsewhere in China, or even to Southern Shaanxi, where the cultural-religious temperament, and even diet and climate, are rather different from Northern Shaanxi. Therefore, field data from other locations may be needed to provide a more comprehensive picture of religion in China since the country is hugely diverse in virtually all aspects of life. Also, the efficacy of citing cases from Hong Kong, Taiwan, and the Chinese Mainland alongside one another is questionable due to the huge socio-political differences between these three places, especially in terms of the local religious policy that conditions religious activities. For example, with the pilgrimage in Taiwan, the linkages between temples cannot be easily replicated in Mainland China due to the economic and political situation there. Also, perhaps in the future the writer may want to include some of the New Religions, such as Ba’hai and LDS, that have been introduced to the Chinese-speaking world over the previous decades, but especially in Taiwan and Hong Kong, and to interpret these from his new referential frameworks to determine whether these New Religions also fit his thesis. After all, we are living in a globalized world and Chinese religion cannot be immured from the rapidly changing landscape of global religious dynamics, especially new religious movements.
Overall, this is an excellent piece of serious academic work that opens new doors for the study of Chinese religion. It should not be missed by serious students of the field.
Kim-kwong Chan
International Center for Law and Religion Studies, Provo