Stanford Studies in Human Rights. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2023. xxix, 329 pp. (Tables, B&W photos, illustrations.) US$32.00, paper. ISBN 9781503636712.
Rights Refused by Elliott Prasse-Freeman is a rich exploration of grassroot activism in Myanmar in the face of state violence. The book is driven by two objectives: 1) to examine how activist practices reveal a novel form of postcolonial governmentality in Myanmar and 2) to provide insights into the unique perspectives on rights in the country.
To achieve these objectives, the methodology of the book entails meticulous ethnographic work complemented by deep and careful theoretical engagement. By drawing on 18 months of fieldwork between 2014 and 2018, Prasse-Freeman weaves together the lived experiences of Burmese activists whilst also engaging with the literature on Burmese politics, activism and protests, postcolonialism, and rights-based sociolegal scholarship. In this process, Prasse-Freeman critically engages with and builds upon the works of influential theorists like Partha Chatterjee, James C. Scott, Judith Butler, Ronald Dworkin, and Sumi Madhok.
The book is clearly organized into three distinct parts. Part I forms, what the author admits as, the most “theoretically dense” section of the book (38). It outlines the concept of “blunt biopolitics” which sets the foundation of how the sovereign exercises power in Myanmar and how grassroot activists respond to it. While Prasse-Freeman suggests that those less interested in theory can skip the first part, it serves as a helpful foundation upon which the rest of the book’s theoretical discussions take place.
Part II forms the ethnographic core of the book, spanning over three chapters. Herein, Prasse-Freeman traces the everyday acts of resistance and refusal in the lives of Burmese activists. With detailed discussions of those who enriched his fieldwork, such as activist and interlocutor Ko Taw, Prasse-Freeman traces the life cycle of activists, from being sent to prison to navigating their lives post-prison. To explore diverse forms and aspects of activism in Myanmar, he examines its gendered dynamics, funding sources, and bodily occupations of space as well as the role of cartoons and curses in protests.
What stands out in part II is the author’s detailed discussion of how the concepts of “resistance” and “refusal” differ from one another, with him arguing that refusal is the “molecular flow that saturated life, the ligatures allowing one day of struggle to turn into the next, the bedrock on which resistance could rest” (105). At this stage, the significance of these lengthy discussions on refusal versus resistance were not exactly obvious. It would have been helpful to read Prasse-Freeman’s take on why the distinct categories of resistance and refusal are important, especially in context of Myanmar’s political landscape.
Part III takes a deep dive into Myanmar’s rights culture. Three things stand out in this part of the book. First, by highlighting the divergent understanding of rights between Burmese activists in Myanmar and those exiled outside the country, Prasse-Freeman emphasizes how one’s interpretations of political ideas are shaped by the spaces they occupy. Secondly, Prasse-Freeman shows the stark differences between Western and Burmese understanding of rights. While the West understands rights as inalienable possessions, Burmese communities understand them as something that is bestowed upon individuals rather than being innate to them. Moreover, and very interestingly, Prasse-Freeman’s discussions with local Burmese communities show how they not only understand rights as synonymous with opportunities, but also as zero sum gain. For instance, when the Rohingya in Myanmar sought to claim rights, it is perceived by some locals as snatching away resources from other communities, as “cutting in line” (229).
Finally, Prasse-Freeman uses his rich ethnography of Burmese rights culture as the bedrock upon which he challenges mainstream assumptions about the universality of rights. A testament to how compelling this section was is that it left me with more questions than I began with. It pushed me to ask: What happens when international actors do not understand rights in the same way as those they demand the rights for? What is at stake in our ignorance of how local communities understand their own rights (and opportunities)? For this reason, part III remains my favourite section of the book.
The concluding chapter makes the case for why Burmese subaltern ontology of rights is also relevant beyond Myanmar. In doing so, Prasse-Freeman challenges the tendency to view area studies works as confined to specific regions, emphasizing the wide-ranging applicability of Burmese political ideas, even in the Western context.
Prasse-Freeman’s self-reflexivity does not go unnoticed, as evidenced by his brief discussion on how his identity as a white foreigner influenced his interactions during fieldwork. It is also reflected in his clarification that while his book’s aim is to “deconstruct the rights paradigm and the presuppositions about personhood and the state that undergird it,” it does, nevertheless, somewhat rely on existing social theory to do so (35).
As I turned the last few pages of Rights Refused, two strengths of the book became immediately clear to me. First, Prasse-Freeman’s book is a masterclass in how to mindfully navigate between ethnographic granularity and nuanced theoretical analysis. Secondly, and more importantly, by revealing a sharp schism between how the world conceptualizes Myanmar’s conflicts and how Burmese communities understand their own struggles, Rights Refused makes clear the urgency of foregrounding and listening to the voices of those at the frontlines of such conflicts.
As our world confronts a growing number of conflicts, it is important as ever for scholars to acknowledge the humanity and precariousness of the subjects of their research. Rights Refused achieves this by duly acknowledging the labour of those who make Burmese activism possible. Burmese activists like Ko Taw are essential for envisioning alternative futures in a conflicted country, and Prasse-Freeman does a remarkable job of showing us why.
All in all, Rights Refused is a must-read for anyone interested in Myanmar’s politics, human rights, postcolonial states, political theory, and activism. The book’s theoretical nuances, methodological finesse, and humanity make it a valuable contribution to the academic landscape.
Rheea Saggar
Chatham House, London