New York: Oxford University Press, 2023. xi, 660 pp. (Tables, graphs), US$202.00, cloth. ISBN 9780192894045.
Korean studies have traditionally been perceived as lagging behind Chinese and Japanese studies. Several factors have contributed to this. China’s depth of civilization and early interactions with the Western world, coupled with its rapid rise to global prominence, have consistently drawn international attention. Similarly, Japan’s historical significance and regional role, particularly in its relations with the United States, have long been the subject of scholarly interest. Government support also plays a role; both China and Japan actively promote their cultures, fund research, and encourage academic exchanges. South Korea’s government support, while following suit, remains underdeveloped in comparison. In addition, the historical precedence of Japanese and Chinese studies in Western academia has led to the development of more established and prolific research communities in these fields than in Korean studies.
In the last few decades, however, there has been a surge of interest in South Korea for two main reasons. First, the global phenomenon of Korean pop culture has captivated audiences around the world, immersing them in various aspects of Korean life, including politics and social dynamics. Second, South Korea has emerged as an almost textbook example of successful democratization, accompanied by impressive economic growth, firmly establishing its role as a global player. This growing recognition on the global stage has stimulated scholarly interest and prompted a reassessment of South Korea’s political and economic dynamics. Against this backdrop, the Oxford Handbook of South Korean Politics is a notable addition to the increasing body of scholarship focusing on South Korea.
In terms of the content and structure of the book, it is divided into eight main sections, each offering valuable insights into different aspects of South Korean politics. The first two sections serve as general introductions, setting the stage for a deeper understanding of South Korean politics. It then provides a historical overview, tracing the evolution of modern and contemporary South Korean politics and highlighting the momentous democratic transition of 1987. The third and fourth sections explore “core concepts” that shed light on contemporary political dynamics in South Korea. These concepts include regionalism, nationalism, conservative elements within the democratization process, and the role of the chaebols in shaping the country’s developmental state. The book then discusses political institutions in the fifth and sixth sections, which cover the constitution, the legislature, the executive, the judiciary, political parties, and elections. Here some of the peculiarities of South Korean politics are discussed, including regional factionalism, personality-driven politics, and a fragmented party system. Sections seven and eight shift the focus to civil society, culture, media, public policy, and foreign affairs in South Korea. These sections explore various facets of civil society, the impact of culture and media on politics, and critical policy issues such as democratic accountability, the welfare state, decentralization, and corruption. Finally, the book examines South Korea’s security and economic interactions with North Korea, the United States, and China.
While the Oxford Handbook of South Korean Politics provides a comprehensive and thorough examination of various branches and areas of South Korean politics, there is remarkably little discussion of South Korean prosecutorial power gained and wielded both before and after the democratization process. The only exception is a brief discussion in chapter 31 of the monopoly of prosecutorial power and its connection to the persistent problem of “grand corruption” in South Korea (515). Indeed, prosecutorial authority has become increasingly impenetrable in the course of South Korea’s ongoing power struggle since 1987. During South Korea’s authoritarian military regimes, the main pillars of support were the national police force and the Korean Central Intelligence Agency (KCIA). However, in the post-democracy era of both conservative and progressive governments, there has been an increasing reliance on prosecutors. This shift has led to a concentration of power in the hands of prosecutors. In South Korea, prosecutors hold a special position that gives them exclusive authority over the investigation and prosecution process. They have sole responsibility for orchestrating and supervising arrests, seizures, and search warrants, unlike many other OECD countries where these functions are typically shared between police and prosecutors. After all, it was prosecutors who took legal action against many of the former presidents, from Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo to Roh Moo-hyun, Lee Myung-bak, and Park Geun-hye. The pinnacle of their political influence was reached when a career prosecutor with no previous political experience assumed the presidency in 2022. Given the profound importance of this facet of South Korean politics, the handbook would have benefitted from a more in-depth discussion of this issue, or at least an acknowledgment of its central role in the broader context of South Korean politics.
Nevertheless, this volume serves as an invaluable reference for scholars, policy makers, and students interested in Korean political development. Each chapter in this volume is a stand-alone topic that can be read in isolation. Thirty-eight chapters may seem like a lot for a single volume, even when all the chapters focus on a single theme: South Korean politics since the nation’s transition to democracy in 1987. But the Oxford Handbook of South Korean Politics effectively weaves together the intricate fabric of South Korean politics. It presents a scholarly mosaic that captures the essence of South Korean politics and will be a vital resource for those studying the country.
Sangmin Bae
Northeastern Illinois University, Chicago