Routledge Advances in Korean Studies, no. 37. Abingdon; New York: Routledge, 2018. viii, 265 pp. (Tables.) US$149.95, cloth. ISBN 978-1-138-09790-2.
Western perceptions of Korea can be quite diverse. The Korean War and poverty form one such perception, probably more common among the older generations. The other perception consists of K-pop or conglomerates aggressively marketing smartphones and electronics. In fact, these sharply contrasting perceptions reflect the realities and rapid changes of Korea. The Personalist Ethic and the Rise of Urban Korea by Yun-Shik Chang analyzes how an impoverished Korea has transformed into a modern urban society. Yet, Chang does more than this. The development question regarding East Asian economic change has been addressed by many scholars, but mostly from political economic perspectives. Developmental studies on non-Western societies tend to provide macro and general explanations and the existing literature is not sensitive enough to the local and cultural aspects of each society.
Chang attempts to provide a more nuanced explanation of Korean development by introducing a cultural norm called the personalist ethic. Personalist ethic refers to “the mode of conduct that governs social relations in the domain of personal networks in which members know each other personally and tend to interact with others as whole persons, not as partial persons or nameless role player” (3). According to Chang, traditional norms of behaviour such as mutual aid and obligation have continued to play an important role in urbanized Korea. In this vein, urban Koreans have not suffered from depersonalization and alienation stemming from the individuation process, as Westerners have. Chang also points out that this personalist ethic serves as a useful tool for staying ahead of others in modern society. For example, having greater personal ties will help an individual’s children become successful in the labour market.
While Chang’s main focus of research is recent development, or kŭndaehwa, he provides a good analytical summary of the Chosŏn dynasty and the Japanese colonial period until 1945 in the first two chapters. The reason that Chang examines the Chosŏn period is to highlight what has changed and what has not after 1867, which is regarded as the beginning of the kaehwa (enlightenment) movement in Korea. The Chosŏn dynasty, during its final years from 1867 until 1910, attempted to modernize Korean society by educational, economic, and political reforms. This momentum, however, was disrupted by Japanese colonial rule, which led to Korea’s limited modernization in education and economy.
With liberation from Japan in 1945, Korea underwent rapid modernization. This included the growth of Western-style education, economic industrialization, and political democratization. Chapters 3, 4, and 5 respectively deal with these issues. While these modernization processes are well researched, this book brings the concept of the personalist ethic into the analysis. The author is also able to bring a cultural insider’s depth to the argument. For example, while the formal Korean education system today resembles that of the West, “real” education owes much to a Confucian legacy and an intense familialism. In order for a student to enter a prestigious university, that student’s mother is expected to be a good planner, supporter, and manager (107). If a mother fails to meet these expectations, she even feels guilty.
In chapter 4, Chang makes an interesting observation on Korean industrialization. In general, industrialization means the rise of the impersonal market. Korean industrialization has also involved a depersonalizing tendency. This “did not, however, result in the development of [an] impersonal capitalist economy” (147). Examples are the personalist leader Park Chung Hee and Chaebŏl groups run by family members. While Chaebŏl groups such as Samsung and LG are in fierce competition with each other, they also build social ties, most importantly via intermarriage. In short, while the formal economy of Korea is market oriented, a closer look will tell you that personalist norms are still vibrant.
Chapter 5 discusses the process of democratization in Korea, focusing on the post-1948 era. Chang introduces various civil actors including netizens active in cyberspace, who have been playing a very important role in influencing politics recently. Over the years, the general public sphere for democracy has expanded significantly. While formal democratization has progressed, Chang states that “the Korean democracy contains a good deal of personalistic (illiberal) elements” (199). Political factions are often divided based on school and regional connections, friendship, and other personal ties.
The final chapter raises an important question of social capital in urbanized Korea. Relying on various data on civic participation and networks, Chang concludes that Koreans are still personalistic and the culture of citizenship is slow to evolve. How to develop a more general social trust for the sake of the common good is the challenge Korea faces today.
This book enriches our understanding of Korean society by providing sociological explanations for developmental issues. Chang’s analytical concept of the personalist ethic sheds new light on the peculiarities of Korean social change. The book firmly speaks to the importance of cultural elements in explaining social phenomena. The methodological implication is significant for comparative studies with other non-Western societies. This book shows that capitalism and development can be diverse. It is an important contribution to Korean studies and to the area studies in general.
Chul-Kyoo Kim
Korea University, Seoul, Korea