Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2022. xv, 311 pp. (Tables, graphs, figures, B&W photos, illustrations.) US$86.00, cloth. ISBN 9781009180252.
Ronojoy Sen’s book is a compelling account of the quality and performance of consolidated democratic institutions in the socio-culturally heterogeneous post-colonial state of India. The book addresses an important puzzle: on one hand, democracy has deepened in India with the changing socio-political composition of parliament; on the other, the increasing socio-economic inequalities, misappropriation of public funds and majoritarianism, diminishing role of parliament in deliberating on and ratifying legislation, and shrinking space of the opposition, pinpoint towards degrading institutions. Not to mention the passing of important bills such as the bill on Aadhar in 2017 and Prime Minister Modi’s lack of engagement in active debates and deliberations with the parliament since he was first elected in 2014 (283–286). Above all, other factors such as the absence of collegiality in parliament have affected the critical aspects of the institution and added to the shrinking character of an important institution of Indian democracy.
Chapter 2 particularly focuses on the representativeness of the Indian parliament and examines its sociological profile (age, gender, occupation, wealth, education, caste, religion, criminality, and dynasticism) and political composition (65). Sen argues that the policy choices are largely shaped by the values, attitudes, and the social backgrounds of the parliamentarians (65). This chapter documents the composition and the debates in the first three Lok Sabhas (1952–1967), the fissures in the Congress party after 1967, the period of emergency (1975–1977), the assertiveness of the voters (1977–1984) and decay of institutions, the fragmentation of the political landscape since 1989, and the rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in post-Congress politics.
The rise of BJP as the author argues, demonstrates the “structural shifts in Indian politics and society where the party has both a wide geographical reach and is backed by a broad social coalition” (83). At the same time, the BJP’s rise indicates the emergence of “competitive authoritarianism” and “authoritarian populist leadership” as the regime puts restrictions on any kind of opposition it faces, restricts political competition, and deploys methods of coercion and control while allowing the procedural form of institutions to function. Attributes of constitutional decay are evident from the aggressive tactics used by the government to silence the dissenting forces. The Modi government has been frequently resorting to methods of coercion such as “arrests and intimidation of government critics, undermining free media … mutual tolerance” and moderation as well as dismantling the opposition state governments through illegitimate means (280–281).
The book focuses on the linkages between corruption and criminality that characterize India’s parliamentary democracy, as highlighted in chapter 5. This chapter discusses in detail why the anti-defection legislation lapsed without much discussion in parliament; and when the law was amended, the legislation had a limited impact after its enactment in 2009. The chapter also reveals why and how the political class in India, and parliament as an institution, have failed to tackle the larger and more complex issues of corruption in public life (254). The pursuit of untraceable electoral funds has also contributed to misconduct and corruption scandals of the political class, including some parliamentarians who have been involved in serious criminal offenses.
Adding further to the debates on the decline of institutions, Sen insightfully analyzes the micro cases of disorderliness in Indian parliamentary proceedings since the 1990s. Chapter 3 particularly reveals that with the rapid increase in the number of political parties, there has been a rise of disruptive activities from five percent in the eleventh Lok Sabha (1996–1997) to 39 percent in the fifteenth Lok Sabha (2009–2014). Disruptions in parliamentary proceedings as the author argues, became more frequent from the 1970s onwards to become embedded in parliament’s institutional make-up (135).
Using a historical survey of the formation of parliamentary committees, Sen explores how the diminishing role and relevance of the parliamentary committee system added to the degeneration of India’s representative institutions. Chapter 4 shows that the expansion of such committees (financial committees, adhoc committees, and other parliamentary standing committees) was related to the beginning of the coalition era in Indian politics. Sen adds that in the absence of debates within parliament, the committee system made parliamentary procedures more meaningful, especially for the “backbenchers,” those members of parliament who could not seek cabinet positions (187). While tracing the origins of the committee system to colonial India, Sen provides a meaningful evaluation of the functioning of legislative committees in independent India. Sen argues that despite occasional expansion and significance, such committees failed to involve civil society and non-governmental experts in their deliberations. Moreover, in the recent decade, there has been a decline in the number of bills referred to legislative committees.
This book has much to add to the debate about the role and practice of parliament, which needs to be examined as two separate and important aspects of parliamentary democracy. The sources used for the study range from archival materials to semi-structured interviews, and are therefore, highly impressive. Sen does a commendable job of examining how institutions shape political outcomes and behaviour in a ethno-culturally diverse Indian polity. However, his arguments in some of the chapters could have been strengthened further with deeper analysis of how the effectiveness of the institution has declined not just due to lack of legislative participation, but also due to an increasing shift to individual constituency-related activities and services that the author leaves out. One also has to understand how the changing party structures, rise of sub-national ethnic parties, and changing economic structures have contributed to the massive transformation in Indian democracy. Nevertheless, the book is rich in terms of originality and adds value to the discourse on the workings of the legislative institutions in India.
Pahi Saikia
Indian Institute of Technology Guwahati, Guwahati