Hackensack, NJ: World Century Publishing Corporation; Singapore: World Scientific Publishing Co. Pte. Ltd. [distributor], 2016. xii, 317 pp. US$132.00, cloth. ISBN 978-1-9338134-68-5.
This book addresses a question critical to the present security and prosperity of the Asia-Pacific region: How can the world’s two most populous and fastest growing neighbours, both possessing nuclear capacity, rise in a peaceful manner? P.S. Suryanarayana predicts that a “Sino-Indian Smart Zone” will appear, and provide a “‘virtual’-mindscape of ideas and practices in politics, economics, as well as science and technology” (1–2). Throughout the book the author keenly observes the driving forces of “China-India synergy” (68) and suggests a broader framework for analyzing the rise of these two actors in the Asia-Pacific, and more importantly, their stable bilateral relations. Suryanarayana argues that “the real determinant of the future of both China and India … will be how they capitalise on their respective national genius at every stage of development” (8) over issues critical to both states, such as population, bridging the income gap, and external threat (9). While he addresses the realistic challenges to pursuing synergies between China and India, the author focuses on the notion of “smart power,” goals pursued by both states that do not call for compromises over their respective interests (71). From the author’s point of view, finding the subject of smart power is the significant factor in smart diplomacy, and eventually creates China-India synergy.
In chapter 1, Suryanarayana provides a comparative analysis of China and India in the areas of politics, economy, military, and foreign relations. In chapter 2, he establishes whether two or more states with different politico-economic systems can remain at peace. “Norms will ensure” the co-existence (80), therefore the “Sino-Indian Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence” (Panchsheel in Indian parlance) enunciated in 1954 are the basis of diplomatic synergy between China and India (78). The author illustrates that the shared principles of Panchsheel, including non-interference and respecting one another’s territorial integrity, enable China, under the community party rule, and India, under a multi-party democratic system, to remain ideologically at peace.
The author finds the source of China-India synergy not only in shared norms and ideologies, but also in the practical interests of the two states. In chapter 3, the author underscores the common interests of the two countries on regional and global issues, such as the environment and Pakistan-originated terrorism (117). Counter-terrorism is again discussed as a realm of possible cooperation between the two states in chapter 4 (184). The author also fully covers existential threats between China and India, such as the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), China-Pakistan collaboration on nuclear and missile development, the Sino-Indian border dispute as well as different perspectives on Tibet. The author argues that none of these issues stand completely alone. In other words, issues are sometimes negotiable because there is an “apparent milieu of Sino-Indian reciprocity of ‘responsible’ attitudes” (154); for example, New Delhi and Beijing maintain neutrality on Tibet and Kashmir, respectively, so as not to unnecessarily escalate tensions.
The author’s one critical analytic contribution can be found in chapter 4. From a geopolitical approach, Suryanarayana interestingly discusses Russia, for which “Sino-Indian competition partly accounts” (167). He points out Russia’s close bilateral ties with China, India, and even with Pakistan, and increasing concerns by these three countries regarding the formation of an unfavourable power balance against them. Suryanarayana views this situation as “competition between India and China for Russia’s friendship” (208). The significance of the Russia factor is keenly observed as far as Sino-Indian relations are concerned. However, the author does not further extend the discussion on Russia to Russia’s possible leadership in BRICS and the institutionalization of Russia-China-India relations. In chapters 5 and 6, the author provides evidence from historical and contemporary diplomatic anecdotes advocating China and India’s peaceful coexistence.
Suryanarayana’s approach to the subject matter of China-India diplomatic synergy is heavily policy-oriented, and well-supported by policy sources. The book traces the trajectory of remarks and actions by Chinese and Indian decision-makers by collecting primary and, more uniquely, internal sources from historical and contemporary records. Personal correspondence between relevant Chinese and Indian personnel and Suryanarayana further deepens the credibility of the book’s analysis. For example, the author’s private source of information enables him to suggest a military-security dimension of China’s “One Belt One Road” (OBOR) project (131) that has been far less discussed compared to the economic expectations of OBOR.
Also worth mentioning here is Suryanarayana’s conceptualization of the “Asian Security Council” (224). In his book, the author primarily examines bilateral issues between China and India, and finds a way to sustain stability in their relations by synergising their respective national interests through smart diplomacy. Beyond the bilateral level of analysis, he also brings great power politics into the discussion and explains where and how the great powers, particularly the United States, can be positioned in the era of co-rising China and India (chapters 1 and 4). He further predicts the impact of China-India synergy on the current world order (73), and possibly in a “new consultative-forum” called the “Asian Security Council,” which is conceptualized and advocated in the book (224). The “Asian Security Council” indeed appears to be more progressive than an “Asian Concert” (224). An “Asian Concert” is created and governed by powerful actors, but the “Asian Security Council” would be based on inter-regionalism that includes the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation, and Association of Southeast Asian Nations, which are respectively influenced by China, India, and “plurality” (225). Follow-up research should examine not only US strategy toward the changing nature of China-India relations, but also the responses of small and medium actors to the expected changes brought forward by this smart synergy.
Jiye Kim, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India
pp. 121-123